In fact, many had the conviction that the initiative process had lost momentum and that constitutional amendments were not going to be implemented.
While developments in the economy put Turkey in the limelight internationally, the constitutional amendments the government started introducing in April turned into a reform package. That was not all. Ahead of a referendum on the package, the civilian will became stronger and exercised its legal powers to tell the military to remain within its boundaries.
Sept. 12 will be a turning point in Turkey’s process of normalization. But, and unexpectedly, Aug. 4 became a turning point before it. Not only was it a turning point in the normalization of military-civilian relations, it extended immense support to Sept. 12 being a turning point as well.
Turkey is expected to get rid of judicial tutelage with “yes” votes on Sept. 12. On Aug. 4 the government stood firm in ending military tutelage by rejecting promotions planned by the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK).
Interestingly, the Sept. 12 referendum is going to coincide with the 30th anniversary of Sept. 12, 1980, the day those who prepared the current coup Constitution overthrew the government and seized power. That is why the oppression and persecution that many people faced during the Sept. 12 period was highlighted in the first couple of weeks of the referendum campaign.
On the 30th anniversary of the coup, the nation is expected to say “enough” to judicial tutelage, which became institutionalized after obtaining a constitutional basis with the 1980 coup. Judicial tutelage became institutionalized 30 years ago but in fact first began with the May 27, 1960 coup and lasted for half a century. That is why judicial tutelage over the country is coming to an end after 50 years.
In an even more striking move, on Aug. 4, the government said “stop” to the military tutelage that began half a century ago as well.
The May 27 military coup not only alienated the public will from the ruling power but also started the tradition of staging coups. It also sowed the seeds of tutelage so as to prevent the public will from having an influence on the ruling power in the future.
The General Staff, affiliated with the Ministry of Defense, started taking over the authority of this ministry exactly 50 years ago.
The practice and tradition of imposing the promotions onto the civilian will began in the General Staff 50 years ago.
Today, 50 years later, these established practices and traditions constitute the biggest obstacle to democracy and had to take a step back in the face of the civilian will, which is resorting to exerting its authority bestowed by law. This has not been an easy process for the military. Even though the military is trying to put up a fight, it is starting to understand that backing down is inevitable and that it cannot continue to overstep its limits.
While the Sept. 12 referendum is expected to end judicial tutelage on its 50th anniversary, the decisions over military promotions on Aug. 4 weakened the military tutelage in its 50th year.
Aug. 4 and Sept. 12 have turned out to be two dates that support and facilitate each other. It is for this reason that the excitement over democracy was the subject of nine different columns in the Taraf daily.
Turkey was getting ready to experience a turning point in normalization on Sept. 12. But Aug. 4 became a turning point before it and consolidated Sept. 12’s strength in fostering change.
Despite the systems of tutelage, Turkey’s economy, which attracted global attention in 2010, is getting ready to soar. 2010 is rushing to become a turning point in full normalization.
Economic facts make change of axis topic of mockery
Those who wrote seriously about Turkey shifting its axis from the West to the East are now being made fun of. Just as the argument that a growing economy has no interests in its neighbors, immediate environment and developing markets is unwarranted, claims that Turkey is shifting its axis are equally uncalled for. Ambassadors of countries that improved their relations with Turkey in the recent past respond to the shift in axis allegations with a smile. In fact, one ambassador told me: “If Turkey’s improvement of relations with neighboring counties is considered a shift of axis, then this means all Western countries have shifted their axis because they engage in more trade and have a higher interest in the region than Turkey. My country is an example of this. Many Western countries sell more goods and make more money than Turkey. If there is a shift of axis, then their axis shifted first.”
International assessments on global economic growth have passed from developed countries to developing countries. Investment bank Goldman Sachs has painted a much clearer picture. According to Goldman Sachs, the 15 countries that are determining the world’s economic growth rate are China, Russia, India, Brazil, Turkey, Egypt, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Iran, South Korea, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines and Vietnam. While the growth rate of G-7 countries was 2.6 percent in 2010 and 2011, the rate for the first four developing BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China, and we can add Turkey to this as well) is estimated to be 8.9 percent and 8.7 percent, respectively. The other 10 developing countries are considered to be countries that support global economic growth.
While the US’s share in global trade declined from 15 percent to 10 percent and other developed countries experienced similar declines, the share of the developing 15 countries increased to 21 percent. Claims that Turkey is shifting its axis are truly ridiculous considering that only two of the 15 countries are west of Turkey.
No parties intolerant of difference
One of the most important topics last week was the split among parties leading a “no” campaign for the referendum to be held on Sept. 12. Launching a harsh and firm no campaign was both the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party’s (MHP) biggest mistake. Many of their constituents and members disliked the tone that was being used. There is a significant level of dissatisfaction with the no campaign. While trying to prevent the number of people who will vote “yes” by referring them to discipline committees with the request for their dismissal, the parties failed to realize that they have turned into parties that have no tolerance for difference.
While the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the Felicity Party (SP), the Grand Unity Party (BBP) and the Rights and Freedoms Party (HAK-PAR) are heading a “vote yes on the referendum” campaign, there are no members who say they will vote “no.” I asked officials from the party if the reason why there was no dissidence was because they were applying even stronger pressure on the members. Their response was: “It’s not because of pressure. It’s because of common sense, because wanting change and transformation is a human demand, because saying yes is what is normal.”
The Democrat Party (DP), which has joined parties in favor of voting “no,” has also put the discipline option into play. A political doyen friend of mine made an important comment. “‘No’ means objection, and is harder to pursue than acceptance. If you are not accurate about the thing you object to, then you turn into a spoilsport and it becomes harder for you to achieve your goal. That’s why the parties leading the ‘no’ campaign are in a challenging predicament. If they push any further, the referendum is going to turn into a litmus test for themselves. In other words, people are going to say the CHP is not a true republican-left, the MHP is not a nationalist-conservative and the DP is not really democrat. Likewise, the insistence on boycotting the referendum will make it clear that ‘peace’ is only in the name of the Peace and Democracy Party [BDP], but that’s as far as it goes,” he said.
